The regime’s modus operandi appeared clear: to wait for the F1 circus to leave
town, then capitalise on a period of scant exposure to launch its
retribution against the activists. Unfortunately for Bahrain, further
negative headlines since the 2013 race have sharpened the impression that
this is hardly the safest territory for F1 to be exporting itself to.
A leaked interior ministry document showed that the country was making plans
to accumulate 1.6 million tear gas canisters and more than 250,000 grenades
to eliminate even the faintest vestige of protest.
The stockpile would have constituted more than one canister for every one of
Bahrain’s 1.2 million people, before a concerted international campaign cut
off the supply lines from South Korea.
You are likely to hear precious little of this come Sunday, though, as Bernie
Ecclestone chooses to turn up the volume on his sport’s V6 engines instead.
King Hamad’s sweeping anti-terrorism legislation has scattered and
splintered his opponents to the point of oblivion, to ensure that nothing
can dull the lustre of Bahrain’s spangly new night race.
Dr Ala’a Shehabi, of Bahrain Watch, has been one of the most persistent
opposition figures, but even she felt compelled to leave after fearing for
her security and claiming that her internet access was constantly monitored.
Speaking from Sweden on Wednesday, she said: “There is a continuous
crackdown. There are very few of us left.”
From F1, there comes only the most glib of responses to a question of whether
the sport should be in Bahrain at all. Ecclestone maintains only that he
finds his key business allies in King Hamad’s administration to be “very
nice people”. Jenson
Button describes his immersive cultural experience of the country
thus: “Hotel, pool, track.”
Politics is none of our business, is the incessant refrain. This is about
sport, they cry, as the often violent efforts by the ruling Sunni monarchy
to snuff out demonstrations by the Shia minority are conveniently swept
aside.
The argument by pro-government groups is that the Bahrain Grand Prix generates
more than £300 million for the Bahrain economy, yet the race itself,
attended by a modest 28,000 last year, remains the province of an elite.
Ultimately, F1’s presence is purely a case of political expediency cutting a
swathe through human rights.
Hussain Hubail has variously been labelled a “militant” and a “terrorist” by
his accusers, but the figure of my acquaintance last year was quite
different, a young man simply intent on documenting a different dimension of
his country’s struggles, far beyond the mirage of normality in government
propaganda.
And yet, he is reported to have suffered five collapses since November due to
a worsening heart complaint, and could yet be jailed for 10 years.
It is salutary to remember that for all the accepted narrative of calm and
unity in Bahrain during its week in the F1 glare, the nightmare for its
forgotten ones goes on and on.